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【美國國會聽證發言】



今天出生的嬰兒，在2047年，即香港的「50年不變」政策到期之時，甚至還未迎來他的28
歲生日。那個期限比它表面所見更接近我們，沒有重來的可能。

數十年後，當歷史學家回顧過去時，我確信2014年相比2019年更是一個分水嶺。我也希望
歷史學家能夠慶賀美國國會選擇站在香港人及其代表的人權和民主的一邊。

Joshua Wong’s Testimony
Congressional-Executive Commission on China
Hearing: “Hong Kong’s Summer of Discontent and U.S. Policy Responses”
September 17, 2019

Good morning Chairman McGovern, Co-Chairman Rubio, and members of this Commiss
ion:

It’s an honor to be invited back to Capitol Hill to speak about developments
in Hong Kong. You may recall that I last traveled to Washington more than two
years ago and testified before this commission, in this same building, on May
3, 2017.

At the time, I warned about the probable disqualification of my friend Nathan
Law, who had been Asia’s youngest democratically-elected legislator and who i
s in the audience this morning. I also warned about massive political prosecut
ion. Unfortunately, both became realities: Nathan lost his seat that July, and
 we were both imprisoned in August for our roles in the Umbrella Movement. Fur
ther legal troublers in relation to the 2014 protests prevented me from travel
ing abroad.

While I said then that Hong Kong’s “One Country, Two Systems” was becoming
“One Country, One-and-a-Half Systems,” I don’t think there is any doubt amo
ng observers who have followed recent events that, today, we are getting dange
rously close to “One Country, One System.” The present state of affairs reve
als Beijing’s utter inability to understand, let alone govern, a free society
.

As you may know, the ongoing demonstrations began on June 9 when one million H
ong Kongers took to the streets in protest of proposed legislation that would
’ve allowed criminal suspects to be extradited from Hong Kong to China, where
 there are no guarantees of the rule of law. Still, before the night had even
ended, Chief Executive Carrie Lam announced the bill’s reading would resume i
n three days. Hong Kongers were bracing for their last fight on June 12.

And then the unthinkable happened: Knowing that Beijing controlled enough vote
s in the Legislative Council, protesters surrounded the complex early in the m
orning, successfully preventing lawmakers from convening. I was then serving m
y third jail sentence. For a moment I wondered why the news channel was replay
ing footage of the Umbrella Movement, but it was not long before I realized Ho
ng Kongers were back. Lam suspended the bill on June 15, but fell short of ful
ly withdrawing it. A historic two million people demonstrated the following da
y, equivalent to one in four out of our entire population. I’m not aware of a
nything comparable to this level of discontent against a government in modern
history.

I was released exactly three months ago, on June 17, and have since joined fel
low Hong Kongers to protest in the most creative ways possible. Our demands we
re clear. In addition to the bill’s withdrawal, we called for Lam to retract
the characterization of us as “rioters,” to drop all political charges, to e
stablish an independent investigation into police brutality, and, at least bri
efly, to resign. Some of us crowdfunded for newspaper advertisements ahead of
the G-20 summit in late June calling for the world not to neglect us. Others b
roke into and occupied the Legislative Council complex on July 1, the same day
 another 550,000 Hong Kongers protested peacefully.

Crowds continued to show up in large numbers every weekend, with smaller ralli
es taking place almost daily across the territory. But the government would no
t listen. Instead of defusing the political crisis, it dramatically empowered
the police. The movement reached a turning point on July 21. That night, thugs
 with suspected ties to organized crime gathered in the Yuen Long train statio
n and indiscriminately attacked not just protesters returning home, reporters
on the scene, but even passersby. The police refused to show up despite repeat
ed emergency calls, plunging Hong Kong into a state of anarchy and mob violenc
e.

On August 5 alone, the day Hong Kongers organized the largest general strike,
the police shot 800 canisters of tear gas to disperse crowds. Compare that to
only 87 fired in the Umbrella Movement, and the police’s excessive force toda
y is clear. Their increasingly liberal use of pepper spray, pepper balls, rubb
er bullets, sponge bullets, bean bag rounds, and water cannons — almost all o
f which are imported from Western democracies — are troubling. In light of th
is, I applaud Chairman McGovern for introducing the PROTECT Hong Kong Act last
 week in the House of Representatives. American companies mustn’t profit from
 the violent crackdown of freedom-loving Hong Kongers.

Co-Chairman Rubio is also right for recently writing that “Hong Kong’s speci
al status,” under American law, “depends on the city being treated as a sepa
rate customs area, on open international financial connections, and on the Hon
g Kong dollar’s peg to the U.S. dollar.” Beijing can't have it both ways, re
aping all the economic benefits of Hong Kong’s standing in the world while er
adicating our sociopolitical identity. This is the single most important reaso
n why the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act enjoys the broad support of
 Hong Kong’s civil society, a point which I want every member of Congress to
take note.

Lam finally withdrew the bill early this month, but just as protesters have lo
ng stopped calling for her resignation, this move was almost meaningless by no
w. The movement is far from over, because it has long moved beyond one bill or
 one person. Our fifth and most important demand is genuine structural change
in Hong Kong.

As I speak, Hong Kong is standing at a critical juncture. The stakes have neve
r been higher. As authorities have all but stopped issuing permits known as “
letters of no objection,” virtually every demonstration is an “illegal assem
bly.” Moreover, we are confronted by the huge Chinese military buildup just a
cross the border in Shenzhen. President Xi Jinping is unlikely to take bold ac
tion before the upcoming 70th anniversary of the P.R.C.’s founding in October
, but no one can be sure what’s next. Sending in the tanks remains irrational
, but not impossible. Chinese interference in Macau, Taiwan, Tibet, and especi
ally Xinjiang, serves as a reminder that Beijing is prepared to go far in purs
uit of its grand imperial project.

I used to be the face of Hong Kong’s youth activism. But in the present leade
rless movement, my sacrifices are minimal, compared to those among us who have
 been laid off for protesting, who have been injured but too afraid of even go
ing to a hospital, or who have been forced to take their own lives. Two indivi
duals each lost an eye. The youngest boy to be arrested is only 12 years old.
I don’t know them, but their pain is my pain, because we all belong to the sa
me imagined community, struggling for self-determination so we can build one b
righter common future.

A baby born today will not even have celebrated his 28th birthday by July 1, 2
047, when Hong Kong’s policy of “50-year no change” is set to expire. That
deadline is closer to us than it appears; there’s no turning back. Decades fr
om now, when historians look back, I’m sure that 2019, much more so than 2014
, will turn out to have been a watershed. I hope, too, that historians will ce
lebrate the United States Congress for standing on the side of Hong Kongers.

-----------------------------------------

    【讓世界看見 與港人同行】
支持 #眾志國際連結：https://demosisto.hk/donation
『零時差』收取國際資訊 ：t.me/demosisto_Int



4.附註、心得、想法︰
陳為廷分享黃之鋒臉書
說香港人對自由的執著

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